For the last 50 years, the United States has implemented various types of export
controls aimed at restricting the trade of strategic products, including high performance
computers (HPCs). The origins of today's high-technology export controls can be traced
to the Cold War era and efforts by the United States to restrict Communist-bloc nations'
access to these strategic products. While these controls proved successful, U.S.
policymakers now face the challenge of developing a new framework that can keep
pace
not only with a more politically uncertain global community, but also with the
explosive
growth of information technology (IT).
As computers have become faster and more powerful, export controls have not
been adjusted to match these changing realities. Soon, many commercial mass-market
computers, even some laptops, will be powerful enough to fall under Department of
Commerce (DOC) controls originally drafted to restrict export of a relatively small
number
of top-end HPCs.
In the old economy, where the United States dominated the markets for HPC's
and where the production of these items was limited, it was feasible to control these
exports. However, in the new global economy, where many or most computers will
soon
be HPCs (or can be configured to be HPCs), and are produced in many countries
around
the world, it will become increasingly difficult for the United States to control who gets
access to these products.
In the aftermath of the Cox Report, the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) shares
the belief that renewed attention should be given to export controls, particularly in the
case
of China. Controls must restrict the export of HPCs that pose dual-use threats and are
unavailable from anywhere other than the United States and its closest allies. But, we
should not overreact and allow reports of Chinese espionage to unduly influence export
controls, particularly on computing products that will be available throughout the
world
regardless of U.S. export controls.
Computer export controls must be targeted if they are to effectively protect our
national security and our computer industry's competitive advantage. As a result,
PPI
recommends that the federal government raise the criteria defining high-performance
computers and establish a sliding index that allows export controls to keep pace with
the
constantly increasing levels of computer processing power. Government export
policy needs to reflect the speed and innovativeness of the overall economy and not
retard
the growth and competitiveness of an industry that is driving the transformation to a
digital economy.
Under an indexed regime, the United States government can avoid expending
scarce resources on futile attempts to prevent the spread of commonly available mass-
market products. By selectively focusing on certain countries and the small number of
truly high-performance computers, the United States can more effectively control the
spread of dual-use technology and reduce security risks.
Since their introduction over 20 years ago, the speed and power of personal
computers
has grown exponentially, with no end of that growth in sight. As the technology
developed, the U.S. government implemented export control regimes to block the
transfer
of the most powerful "supercomputers" to certain countries. In 1988, the
U.S.
Department of Commerce (DOC) defined "supercomputers" as any
computer
operating at 195 millions of theoretical operations per second or MTOPS, which
measures
a computer's highest theoretical performance if it is operating flawlessly, or greater. The
DOC also required licenses for the exportation of computers operating at or above 12.5
MTOPS. Under these levels, the standard 386 MHZ-chip PC of the early 1990's was
considered a "supercomputer." These restrictions remained relatively intact
until February 1994, when the supercomputer threshold was raised from 195 to 1,500
MTOPS, and the license requirement for most exports was increased from 12.5 to 500
MTOPS.
It was not until the creation of the current controls in January 1996 that the
government began considering the long-term projected availability of HPC's. Relying
on
a 1995 Stanford University study commissioned by the U.S. Commere and Defense
Departments, DOC established the concept of "forward looking foreign
availability." Among other things, this concept relied on the Stanford report's
projection that the spread of U.S. manufactured computer technology up to 7,000
MTOPS
would be worldwide and uncontrollable by 1997. Anticipating the report's projections--
which proved accurate--DOC based its controls on the level of computer performance
that
would be available in 18 to 24 months, rather than at the time the regulation was
conceived.
These forward looking regulations--which, with some alterations, still govern
HPC exports--were established by amendment of the Export Administration
Regulations
by the Clinton Administration in 1996. They identify four groups of countries for
export
controls on computers. To export to the first group, or Tier I, no licence is required for
even the most powerful supercomputer. This tier comprises the United States' 28
closest
allies and therefore poses little security risk to this country.
Exports to Tier II countries--106 trading partners with mixed proliferation and
export control records (e.g. South Korea and South Africa)--require licences for
computers
operating at levels above10,000 MTOPS. Record keeping is required for exporting
computers that operate below 10,000 MTOPS.
Tier III countries are defined as countries that pose a proliferation, diversion,
or other form of security risk (e.g. China, Russia, and Israel). Originally, exports of
computers operating at up to 7,000 MTOPS to civilian end-users in the fifty Tier III
countries required no license. However, licences were required for sales to military
end-
users of computers operating above 2,000 MTOPS. These controls were tightened in
1997
when Congress, through amendments to the National Defense Authorization Act
(NDAA),
required exporters to notify the DOC of computer exports between 2,000 and 7,000
MTOPS
to any end-user in a Tier III country. Under the advanced notification rules, any agency
involved in the export control system, such as DOC, DOD, State, and Energy, has 10
days
to object to a sale without a licence. An objection by one of these agencies necessitates a
license.
These amendments also allow the President to revise the MTOP threshold for
Tier III countries. Such revisions would take effect 180 days after the President submits
a
report to Congress justifying the revisions. Tier III countries are among the fastest
growing
computer markets in the world, and the regulations concerning HPC exports to these
countries is at the heart of the current export control debate.
Finally, there are seven Tier IV countries (Cuba, Iran, Libya, Iraq, North Korea,
Sudan, and Syria) which have been classified as terrorist states. All computer exports to
these countries are prohibited.
The export control system was originally developed to restrict the transfer of
America's
most sophisticated supercomputers to dangerous end-users. However, technological
innovation continually redefines "sophisticated," and has made existing
MTOPS thresholds obsolete. As many in the computer industry are fond of saying,
"yesterday's supercomputer is today's laptop," and Gordon Moore, the
former
CEO of Intel, has claimed that the power of microprocessors (chips) doubles every 18
months. The accuracy of Moore's observation has earned it the title, "Moore's
Law," as it has held true for thirty years. If this rate of advancement continues, as
is
expected, many mass-market computer products will soon hit the MTOPS ceiling and
be
subject to unnecessarily restrictive controls.
Indeed, the current export regime will face a major challenge at the end of this
year when Intel Corp. is expected to release its Pentium III Xeon chip which operates at
1,283 MTOPS. When the Pentium III becomes available, many standard products that
link
two or more chips will be catapulted above the 2,000 MTOPS level and into
"supercomputer" status. For example, small business e-mail servers, which
typically link two, four, or eight chips, will operate at 2,566 MTOPS with two chips, and
therefore carry DOC notification requirements if exported to any Tier III country. In
addition to servers--other high-tech commodities--such as laptops and even children's
video games, will have processing speeds above 2,000 MTOPS. The processing power
of
these computers is a far cry from that of the most powerful supercomputers like IBM's
Pacific Blue, which operates at a rate of 1.6 million MTOPS, or 800 times faster than the
slowest government-designated "supercomputers."
If left unchanged, the current export control regime will run head-on into these
advances in technology and increase the notification and licensing review caseload. The
potential then arises for an overburdened system to more slowly process applications
and
in the process retard the growth of an industry that is critical to America's overall
economy
growth.
Equally important as "Moore's Law" is its corollary that the cost of
computing drops nearly 25 percent per year. Coupled with the Internet's dramatic
growth
and the convergence between telecommunications and computers, these falling costs
have
created a rapidly expanding global market for HPCs. An estimated 80 million personal
computers were sold worldwide in 1997, with a significant percent being sold outside
the
United States. Also, of the over 2.5 million servers and workstations sold in 1997, more
than 1.6 million were sold outside the United States.1
While U.S. computer companies remain world leaders, an increasing number
of foreign competitors have emerged. In 1997, 15 of the top 25 personal computer
manufacturers and 14 of the top 25 workstation manufacturers were not U.S.
companies.
Indeed, if U.S. HPC export controls are not raised, foreign competitors will take market
share from U.S. companies. More importantly, many of these companies are located in
countries that either do not belong to (e.g. Taiwan, Hong Kong), or do not strictly
enforce
(e.g. Germany), multilateral or unilateral export control regimes.
The computer industry is a key driver of the country's booming economy. It is
not only one of the nation's largest industries, but also the top merchandise exporter.2 However, if unrealistic computer export controls
impede foreign sales, some of the more than 4.3 million jobs in the American high-tech
industry would be threatened.3 Such losses
would
be especially damaging since those jobs pay, on average, 77 percent more than jobs in
other
sectors.4
Unrealistic export controls may also threaten our peace and prosperity by limiting
the
technology available to our military and intelligence communities. A high-tech military
for the 21st century depends on successful American high-tech firms funding R&D to
develop of next generation products and technologies. The military and national
security
communities' dependence on technologies developed in the private sector is now
greater
than ever as the government is forgoing the lengthy contracting process and procuring
directly from civilian markets. Indeed, while controls on bona-fide high-end
supercomputers will serve our national security interests, export restrictions on mass-
market computers that restrict innovation in the computer industry could reduce the
lead
enjoyed by U.S. intelligence and weaponry systems.
Advancements in technologies known as "clustering" and
"parallel processing" also pose new challenges to our export control regime.
These practices allow organizations to achieve high computing power without
traditional
supercomputers by connecting many lower-level machines together to perform tasks at
high speeds. Often, the individual computers comprising these networks can be
"off
the shelf" equipment which fall below current MTOPS thresholds, yet their
aggregate
power equals or exceeds that of highly sophisticated supercomputers subject to export
controls. While the extent of such networks is still not fully known, examples like the
NT
Cluster at the National Center for Supercomputing Applications illustrate just how
effectively they work.
Clustering and parallel processing, along with rapidly advancing chip
technology, growing foreign availability, and manufacturing, are each examples of how
difficult it is becoming to control low-end computers and why redirecting the focus of
export controls is so essential.
Target selectively. Given the rapid increase of
computing power and MTOPS levels, controlling the export of commonplace mass
market
products is becoming increasingly difficult. If export controls are to be effective they
must
specifically focus on those products that we actually can control, such as
the
higher-end supercomputers that currently only the United States and our closest allies
produce. The goal should be to restrict access to the leading-edge HPCs, rather than the
everyday products available the world over.
While the United States should be selective in what we target, we should also
be
more selective in how it is done. Many experts in the national security community
agree that HPC controls would be better served through activities aimed at
disrupting high-tech transfers and heightened intelligence. Monitoring fewer non-
critical HPCs would allow more resources to be directed toward these more direct
activities.
Raise the MTOPS level to reflect advancements in high performance
computer technology. With the introduction of the 750 MHZ Pentium III
Xeon
chip at the end of 1999, a whole host of computers commonly used in the business
sector
will become subject to the DOC export restrictions to Tier II and Tier III nations. A
common eight-chip business e-mail server with Pentium III chips will operate at 12,250
MTOPS, 1,150 above the current threshold for Tier III countries. PPI advocates raising
the
MTOPS threshold to allow the American computer industry to market such
commonplace
products as 8-chip servers, and thereby remain competitive.
Establish a sliding MTOPS Index based on "forward looking
foreign availability" that will let regulations keep pace with Moore's Law.
Through legislation (i.e., reauthorization of the Export Administration Act),
Congress should institute a HPC export regime that calls for an adjustment of the
MTOPS
threshold every 18 months. This way controls will reflect a degree of stability as they
continuously keep up with the growing availability of high-technology resulting from
increasing processing power and decreasing costs. Also, if this legislation requires
congressional review of threshold adjustments (currently Congress has six months to
review proposed changed), the review period should be as brief as propriety allows to
maintain the timeliness provided by a forward-looking MTOPS Index. Ultimately, the
certainty provided by these measures and the strong unilateral regime they will foster
will
allow the United States to more effectively present its regime as a model for future
multi-
lateral controls.
Allow the U.S. Department of Commerce to maintain control of the
export control process. The U.S. Departments of State, Defense, Energy,
and
the agencies, must remain intricately involved, but with its existing relationship with
the
business community, the Department of Commerce is the best choice to oversee the
system.
In the fast changing, innovation-based global marketplace, it is increasingly difficult
for government to control the direction or pace of technology. Rapid technological
innovation, and consumers' demand for it, will soon make static government export
controls on HPCs outdated. As a result, the U.S. government should index export
restrictions on computers to the developments in technology, global markets, and geo-
politics. The goal should be an MTOPS index that increases in proportion to technology
and the market, and that selectively targets products for control.