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Work, Family & Community
Making Work Pay

PPI | Policy Report | July 1, 1999
Working Far from Home
Transportation and Welfare Reform in the Ten Big States
By Margy Waller and Mark Alan Hughes


Editor's Note: The full text of this report is available in Adobe PDF format, only. (Requires Adobe Acrobat Reader.)

Executive Summary

Transportation assistance for low-income workers is complex, expensive, and rife with unintended consequences. Policymakers confuse ends and means when job access strategies are too focused on public transit systems. The policy challenge is helping low-income workers get to distant jobs on difficult schedules, but too often both policymakers and decisionmakers act as if the challenge is devising a way to make public transit "good enough" to serve the reverse commutes of low-income workers. This represents both a bias and a blind spot. The bias lies in our willingness to consign poor people to barely functioning public systems from which higher-income citizens routinely withdraw (as in public schools, public health, public safety, and public space). The bias is expressed in the overheard comment of one senior official from a national public transit organization, "Show me a thirty-year-old man on a bus, and I'll show you a failure."

The blind spot is cars. In most cases, the shortest distance between a poor person and a job is along a line driven in a car. Prosperity in America has always been strongly related to mobility and poor people work hard for access to opportunities. For both the rural and inner-city poor, access means being able to reach the prosperous suburbs of our booming metropolitan economies, and mobility means having the private automobile necessary for the trip. The most important response to the policy challenge of job access for those leaving welfare is the continued and expanded use of cars by low-income workers. Across the country, state and local decisionmakers are inventing new programs to do just that and devising new ways that public funds can help.

This report presents survey and field research on the ten states with the largest (as of January 1998) numbers of families receiving assistance under the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families Block Grant (TANF), which is a mix of federal and matching state funds. (Throughout this report, we use TANF to refer to both state and federal funds.) These ten states collectively represent two-thirds of the national caseload; they are: California, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Michigan, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Texas, and Washington. We surveyed officials in a variety of relevant state departments and interviewed local officials and public transit operators in cities and rural counties throughout the ten states. This research informs both our analysis of transportation assistance and our recommendations to policymakers.

Our analysis consists of five key points:

  • First, both rural counties and inner cities are isolated from the dispersed job growth generated by suburbanized metropolitan economies. Lower densities and longer distances generate regressive commuting costs: lower income households face time and money costs that are higher in proportion to their earnings. When combined with the decline in wages of lower-skilled jobs, working families of modest means face a nearly impossible situation.

  • Second, the work requirements at the heart of welfare reform have forced a variety of partial responses to this commuting dilemma. Transportation is often listed as the leading barrier to getting and keeping a job for those leaving welfare. The resources devoted to transportation assistance are increasing, with both TANF block grant funds and supplemental funds from new programs--such as the Access to Jobs and Reverse Commute Program from the U.S. Department of Transportation (USDOT)--being expended on public transit and its alternatives.

  • Third, public transit systems operating in many metropolitan areas have been rendered obsolete by the suburbanization of population and employment. These systems were designed to serve an industrial geography in which central places were the most valuable and in which most people lived and worked in high-density environments. Yet, there is a bias in both formal program rules and informal decisions favoring public transit as the job access solution for low-income workers. In the worst case scenario, new subsidies to public transit systems granted in the name of job access can: (1) consign low-income workers to long rides on buses and trains; (2) drain resources from the rest of the transit system, thereby weakening services on which many working families already rely; and (3) encourage further job suburbanization--hardly the goal of a job access strategy.

  • Fourth, private automobiles have been an overlooked solution and remain largely taboo in Washington, D.C. and some states. But local policymakers are recognizing that cars are a necessary part of the job access mix for low-income workers and are developing ways that public funds can help. Some environmentalists, transit advocates, and others may object to car-based solutions. And while clean air, uncongested roads, and farmland preservation are worthy goals, they should not impede the job prospects of poor people being propelled from welfare to work.

  • Fifth, transportation assistance is an essential component of any meaningful commitment to making work pay for families with modest incomes. Half the states have decided that families should remain eligible for assistance regardless of the asset value of one vehicle (the old AFDC program denied benefits to anyone with a car worth more than $1,500). Furthermore, some states provide ongoing transportation assistance for public transit and/or cars for up to one year after employment. While these changes suggest that policymakers recognize the realities of commuting in metropolitan labor markets, they fall far short of what is needed to meet the job access needs of all low-income, working families.
  • * * *

    In response to this analysis, we offer three broad categories of recommendations to policymakers. Specific recommendations are presented in the final section of the report.

  • State policymakers should base eligibility for transportation assistance on income, not on current or recent receipt of welfare. Such assistance--even using TANF funds--does not trigger the federal TANF time limits, including the five-year lifetime limit on assistance.

  • State policymakers should use TANF to assist low-income workers with matching grants to acquire cars and to provide ongoing assistance to low-income workers for car operating expenses. State and federal policymakers should revise asset limits to permit the use of one car for each worker in a household without losing eligibility for any low- income work support program. State and local decisionmakers should use TANF to hire transportation coordinators (often referred to as mobility managers) to coordinate new transit alternatives for low-income workers with existing paratransit services for the elderly and disabled.

  • Congress should fully fund the Access to Jobs and Reverse Commute program under the U.S. Department of Transportation at the authorized level of $150 million per year. Grants made under this program should go to local public transit systems but these grants should be restricted to public-private partnerships in which employer contributions partially defray the costs of new transit routes and schedules serving their locations. State and local policy makers should not use welfare-to-work grant funds for transportation assistance because TANF is generally available to fund this service. Using two separate funding streams and agencies to deliver transportation services creates inefficiencies.


    This report was supported by a generous grant from The Annie E. Casey Foundation to Public/Private Ventures, where the authors were director of policy development and vice president, respectively. The preferred citation for this report is: Waller, M. and Hughes, M.A. (1999). Working Far From Home: Transportation and Welfare Reform in the Ten Big States (Philadelphia, PA: Public/Private Ventures and Washington, DC: Progressive Policy Institute).



    Margy Waller is the senior fellow for Social Policy at the PPI and is affiliated with the Brookings Institution Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy. In addition, Waller is the director of the Working Families Project, a joint initiative of the two organizations. Mark Alan Hughes is distinguished senior scholar at the University of Pennsylvania's Fels Center of Government and a nonresident senior fellow at The Brookings Institution's Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy.



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