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PPI | Fact Sheet | February 1, 2000
Putting the U.S. Trade Deficit in Perspective By Jenny Bates
The protests that surrounded the World Trade Organization (WTO) meeting in
Seattle have focused public attention on international trade and, more specifically,
on its costs and benefits to the United States. Many of those who demonstrated in
Seattle complained that the world does not trade "fairly" and that the
United States is not competing on a "level playing field." These critics
often cite the growing U.S. trade deficit as evidence of both the unbalanced nature
of global trade and the "costs" of globalization.
The United States has been importing more than it exports for more than two
decades. Indeed, the U.S. trade deficit has been on an upward trend since 1991
and in the first three quarters of 1999, the deficit for trade in goods and services
was $193 billion or 2.1 percent of GDP. But to extrapolate severe impacts on
the U.S. economy from this fact involves a fundamental misunderstanding of both
the trade deficit data and its economic meaning. Furthermore, a protectionist
trade policy aimed at reducing the trade deficit would be misguided. Microeconomic
policy tools such as tariffs are ineffective in reducing macroeconomic trade deficits.
Countering such misguided protectionist arguments thus requires a solid
understanding of the facts about the U.S. trade deficit and its impact on
the U.S. economy.
The U.S. economy benefits from the opportunity to trade. Trade increases
competition, improves the allocation of resources, provides consumers with a wider
range of products at lower prices, and promotes innovation--all of which aid
economic growth.
In and of itself, a trade deficit (or surplus) says very little about the health of
the economy. The trade deficit simply shows that the U.S. economy is
consuming more than it is producing and is funding the process with foreign capital.
While the United States will have to pay these loans back in future, policy should
not be aimed primarily at reducing the trade deficit.
Employing microeconomic policy tools such as tariff barriers or quotas will
not reduce the trade deficit. Indeed, restricting trade can be
counterproductive--by provoking retaliation in trading partners, reducing competitive
pressures, and slowing economic growth.
Bilateral deficits are different. U.S. trade balances with individual countries
are not a problem from the macroeconomic perspective--every country runs deficits
with some nations and surpluses with others. Bilateral deficits, however, may give
some indication as to the nature of the trading relationship between the United
States and specific countries--or in specific sectors (such as inequalities in market
access).
The term "trade deficit" is often misused. It is used interchangeably for
three different statistical measures but is rarely defined. Thus, with the trade deficit
more than any other trade statistic, it is important to be precise as to the actual
figure being cited.
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The Merchandise Trade Deficit: This is the narrowest concept and refers only
to trade in goods. In 1998, goods accounted for 72 percent of U.S. exports and 84
percent of U.S. imports. Thus, while goods are the largest component of U.S. trade, looking only
atthe narrow "merchandise trade balance" does not tell the full story. Despite this
limitation, most news stories still focus on this incomplete definition of
trade.
-
The Deficit in Goods and Services: This is the best measure of what most people understand to be the trade deficit. This measure includes trade in both goods and services. It includes significant U.S. economic services such as international tourism,
transportation, financial services, and telecommunications--all of which are
excluded from the merchandise trade deficit.
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The Current Account Deficit: This is the broadest concept and goes
beyond trade as most people understand it. The current account includes trade in
goods and services, investment income, and unilateral transfers (e.g. unilateral U.S. aid
payments to developing countries).2
These distinctions matter because the United States is becoming a service-
based economy. While the United States is a net importer of goods, it is a net
exporter of services--in 1998, the United States ran a surplus of $83 billion
on trade in services. Therefore, the overall deficit (goods and services) is
less than the merchandise trade deficit.
Despite the continuing process of globalization, the U.S. economy remains relatively
less dependent on trade than other smaller economies. Exports account for 13
percent of U.S. gross domestic product (GDP) compared to more than 20 percent
in Canada, Mexico, and most Western European countries. Similarly, while the
United States has the world's largest gross current account deficit, its current
account deficit is only 2.5 percent of GDP. This compares with a surplus of 3.2
percent of GDP for Japan, and deficits of 0.2 percent, 1.8 percent, 4.8 percent, and
6.1 percent of GDP in Germany, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, respectively
(1998 figures).
Trade deficit statistics are often inaccurate. The U.S. Census Bureau recently
estimated that $62 billion of U.S. goods exports go unreported each year--this
amounts to almost one-third of the current U.S. merchandise trade deficit. 3 Similarly, new areas such as trade over the
Internet and high value, high-tech products transported by air often go un- or under-
reported. While the government is working to improve these figures, more accurate
data will not be available for several years. 4
In and of itself, a trade deficit says very little about the economy. It is, at best, one of
a number of indicators of the overall (or "macroeconomic") health of the
U.S. economy. Indeed, deficits have been associated with booms and slumps, with
periods of free trade, and those of greater protectionism.
Yet one fact remains true--a nation's trade or current account balance reflects the
difference between national saving and investment. When the United States runs a
trade deficit, it is, as a nation, consuming more than it is producing and is thus
borrowing savings from the rest of the world. Conversely, when the United
States has a surplus, it is a net lender to the rest of the world.
Whether a country is able to borrow from, or lend to, the rest of the world is not
determined solely by domestic policies. Inflows of foreign capital will depend partially on
investors' perceptions of the riskiness of a country and its currency. The United
States has advantages in attracting foreign capital due to the size and strength of its
economy and the role of the dollar as the world's main trading (or reserve)
currency. Thus, the United States is in a better position to finance a trade deficit
(through international borrowing) than small, open economies with weak or less-traded
currencies.
Whether the U.S. trade deficit (net borrowing) matters depends, as it would for any
individual, on what the United States does with its loan. If the net inflow of capital
is used to finance productive investment, the U.S. economy will benefit from greater
productivity, output, and income in the future. More importantly, the United States
will then be able to use some of the extra output to pay back its debt. Conversely,
if the borrowing is used to finance consumption or government budget deficits (as
was true in the 1980s), the deficit is more likely to have a negative impact on the
economy (through reduced aggregate consumption).
The merchandise trade deficit with China increased from $13 billion to $57 billion
between 1991 and 1998. While imports of goods from China have more than tripled
during that period (from $19 billion to $71 billion), U.S. exports of goods to China
have only doubled ($14 million). It is important to note that these figures include only
trade in goods. This is significant because the United States is a net exporter of
services and thus the overall trade deficit with China (including exports of services
from the United States) is likely to be lower. Moreover, the bilateral deficit partly
reflects the fact that China has become an increasingly competitive exporter while
retaining a relatively closed domestic market. Indeed, China currently imposes
regulations on many foreign investors requiring that they re-export a certain
percentage of their total production from China.
Many critics of the bilateral trade deficit with China fear that Chinese products will
flood the U.S. market. However, it is important to note that trade with China only
amounts to 2 percent of total U.S. trade. Half of all U.S. trade is with three partners--
Canada, the European Union, and Mexico. Moreover, increased Chinese imports
tend to displace imports from other countries, mostly Southeast Asian countries.
One recent study showed that two-thirds of China's exports to the U.S. displace
third country exports rather than American products. 5 Finally, and perhaps most importantly, cheaper, more competitive Chinese imports amount to a price cut for U.S. consumers. According to a 1994 World Bank study, importing from China compared to importing similar products from any other country saves the American public $14 billion per year.6
The deal reached between China and the United States last November regarding
China's accession to the WTO includes a wide range of market-opening concessions
from China, while the United States will make no changes to its trade barriers. Thus, a
wide range of U.S. producers, from sectors as diverse as agriculture to financial
services, will have increased access to Chinese markets. It is difficult to quantify the
precise effect of such changes, but one official study estimated that U.S. exports to
China will increase by 10 percent while U.S. imports from China will rise 6.9 percent.7
Perhaps the most important aspect of Chinese accession to the WTO is that it will bring
China into the rules-based international trading system and advance the process of
economic change and reform in China, encouraging the transition to a market-based
economy.
1. Annual trade figures are the best indicators of an economy's overall
performance, as monthly or quarterly data are subject to seasonal variations and are
often revised later in the year.
2. Investment income includes payments to American holders of foreign financial
assets, such as stocks, bonds, bank deposits, etc.
3. U.S. Census Bureau, Understatement of Export Merchandise Trade
Data, (Washington, DC: July 1998).
4. The current data on services is so out of date that the Census Bureau is in the
process of reforming the standard industry classification system to include nine new
service sectors and 250 new service industries.
5. Rosen, Daniel H., China and the World Trade Organization: An Economic
Balance Sheet, Institute for International Economics, (Washington, DC: June
1999).
6. Ibid.
7. U.S. International Trade Commision, Assesment of the Economic Effects
on the United States of China's Accession to the WTO, (Washington, DC: August
1999).
-
Gary Burtless, Robert Lawrence, Robert Litan, Robert Shapiro, Globaphobia: Confronting Fears
About Open Trade (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1998).
Read the Introduction
to Globaphobia.
-
Paul Krugman, "The
East is in the Red: A Balanced View of China's Trade," Slate
Magazine, (June 1, 1997).
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