The transformation of the American economy has changed the rules of work. The
New Economy places a greater premium on worker skills and knowledge. Rewards
flow
to companies and workers with the ability to learn, create, and adapt. In an era when
information has become a major input in the production process, all workers are
knowledge workers.
This transformation has also helped produce a booming economy with low
unemployment and rising real wages. Yet, we cannot afford to take America's
competitive edge for granted. Nor can we become complacent about the disturbing
gap
between rich and poor in the distribution of the New Economy's gains. Even those
with a
secure rung on the ladder today can't help but worry about tomorrow. The
turbo-charged
pace of economic and technological change, combined with a shift to smaller, more
flexible business organizations, translates into a more volatile labor market, with
higher
job churn and anxious workers.
The New Economy thus presents new challenges to economic policy. There is no
holding back the economic transformation, as some want; neither is an unfettered
economy an end in and of itself, as others argue. PPI subscribes to a third view,
embracing the opportunities afforded by economic dynamism while supporting
policies
that foster higher growth and expand the winners' circle.
How we face the challenges of the New Economy--including the problems of
economic insecurity and inequality--will shape what type of a nation we will be in the
next century. As the former assistant secretary of labor for employment and training,
Doug Ross stated, and PPI has long advocated, if the New Economy "is to restore to
Americans some effective control over their economic lives, it must offer opportunities
and resources for navigating this new labor market."1
It is a political, as well as a moral, imperative that we give every American the
opportunity to share in the rewards, as well as the risks of the global marketplace.
Moreover, a broader sharing of the rewards helps maintain political support for
policies
that facilitate continuing transformation to a global economy.
This paper advances a new agenda for labor market policy to expand the winners'
circle created by the global economy. The aim is twofold: to ensure that American
workers have the skills and personal security they need to navigate, adapt, and
prosper in
the New Economy and that American companies have the skilled workers they need
to
compete, innovate, and be productive. To meet these twin goals, PPI proposes an
agenda
that focuses public policy on three areas:
Creating a competitive system of public, non-profit, and private one-stop career
centers to give every American access to reliable information, allowing them to choose
appropriate education and training providers, apprenticeships, colleges, and
ultimately
jobs.
In essence, we need to create a new training and re-employment infrastructure
that is
both market-driven and market-friendly: "market-driven" in that it must use the
mechanisms of competition and choice to deliver services in the most effective and
efficient manner possible; "market-friendly" in that it must be tied directly to employer
needs.
The Workforce Investment Act takes a large step toward reforming the re-
employment system, but the systems for unemployment insurance and adjustment
assistance require additional changes.
Signed into law last year by President Clinton, the Workforce Investment Act
(WIA)
attempts to bring the roughly $5.5 billion jumble of federal employment and training
programs, including employment services, dislocated worker training programs, adult
and
vocational education programs, and youth programs, into a new, more responsive
system.
The bill requires states to establish one-stop centers for the delivery of employment-
related services, individual training accounts that workers can use to pay for training,
and
a new system of performance measures for states, local governments, and training
providers.
The first major element of WIA is a one-stop system where workers and businesses
can access all training and employment services at one location under a "no wrong
door"
approach. Ideally, every center would provide a complete case management system
from
orientation, initial skill assessment, and eligibility determination to training provider
selection, unemployment benefits filing, and job search and placement services.
Centers
need not be only "brick and mortar" locations; virtual one-stop centers could provide
information and services in numerous locations using telecommunications technology.
The idea of one-stop centers is not new. For a number of years, the Department of
Labor
has been providing grants to states to establish one-stop centers on a pilot basis. By
1996,
there were 125 centers in operation.5 Some states,
such as Massachusetts, have already gone beyond the pilot project phase and
established
a statewide system. WIA establishes a mandatory national system where every local
area
is required to create at least one center where workers and employers can go for
comprehensive government employment and training services. Exactly how the
one-stop
centers will operate is left to the state and local governments, so that they may
determine
which structure best fits local needs.
Second, WIA expands worker control and choice through a system of individual
training accounts (ITAs). With a few exceptions, each worker will be given an ITA as
the repository of their training benefits. These funds would be used to pay for training
services from any eligible provider whom the worker chooses. Again, WIA give the
states and localities flexibility in how to set up their local system. According to the
Labor
Department, "an ITA could take a variety of forms such as a voucher, credit, debit
card,
or even a repository for training funds from other programs."6
Third, WIA sets up "a performance accountability system" to measure the
effectiveness of state and local training and employment systems. More importantly,
training provider performance will be tracked to help workers make better informed
choices. Performance measures will include areas such as program completion rates,
percentage of participants who obtain unsubsidized employment, post-placement
wages,
the rates of licensure or certification, attainment of academic degrees or equivalents,
and
attainment of other measures of skills of the program graduates.
WIA is more than a reorganization of existing worker training programs. It is
changing how the government training system operates. The National Association of
Manufacturers sums up the potential of WIA:
This legislation gives state and local officials new authority and flexibility for
using
federal job training aid to set up market-driven workforce investment systems in every
community. This initiative can bring public systems providing services such as post-
secondary technical training, employment, job search assistance, job training,
retraining,
adult literacy, and other labor market aid with closer links to the realities of changing
job
markets. The intent is to simplify programs under a single, comprehensive system
compared to the current array of separate programs. The law gives to the business
community, in partnership with public officials, authority to ensure that the system is
user-friendly, easily accessible, performance-driven, continuously improving, flexible,
and responsive to the marketplace.7
WIA, however, is just one step in the right direction. The potential of WIA will rise
or fall based on implementation--on the national, state, and local levels. For example,
how close the one-stop centers come to reaching the ideal of a seamless and
comprehensive case management system--instead of simply clearinghouses for
brochures
and information on where to go next--will be determined location by location. States
and
local government must be challenged to make the system as flexible and user-friendly
as
promised. It is not enough for the system to be user-friendly, it should be user-driven.
If
states do not take the initiative to create a different system and the federal government
does not encourage and support such initiatives, WIA will become one more failed
attempt at reform.
The WIA reforms leave two large parts of the re-employment and retraining
system
basically unchanged: 1) the unemployment compensation system, commonly known
as
unemployment insurance; and 2) the myriad of adjustment assistance programs,
including
the largest and best known, the Trade Adjustment Assistance.
In many ways, WIA legislatively sidesteps the area of unemployment insurance
(UI).
States are encouraged to co-locate UI services with one-stops, and one-stops are
required
to provide information on unemployment benefits. But WIA does not mandate
one-stop
centers be where workers access unemployment benefits. Workers could still be faced
with a confusing mix of different locations, paperwork, and criteria. More importantly,
WIA does not change the fundamental operation of UI, nor does it incorporate UI into
the
retraining system.
An approximately $25 billion program, UI is a state-run program operating under
broad federal guidelines. States collect a payroll tax from employers who qualify for a
partial federal tax credit. These funds, which are deposited in state accounts in the
Unemployment Trust Fund, are used to pay unemployment compensation benefits to
workers who lose their jobs. The level of benefits, duration of benefits, and
qualifications
are determined for the most part by the states.
In addition to helping workers get through periods of unemployment, UI also
plays a
important macroeconomic role. By maintaining worker purchasing power during a
recession, it automatically dampens the effects of the downturn. During the last
recession,
UI pumped an additional $25 billion into the economy in 1992 alone.8
As currently designed, UI is very much a creature of the industrial age. When UI
was
created, layoffs largely followed the contours of the business cycle; workers were laid
off
when times were bad and called back when times got better. Both workers and
businesses
benefitted from this system. Companies could lay off workers temporarily, and
workers
had an income while they waited for recall.
Today's labor market is more dynamic, with companies continually restructuring
and
workers changing jobs many times during their lives. The UI system of the past is not
performing as well as it could. For example, in this age of self-employed and
temporary
workers, too many workers do not qualify for benefits because of the nature of their
work
arrangements. UI must be revamped--taking into account this new reality, propelling
workers up the ladder, and providing an automatic check on the business cycle, even
as it
still helps jobless workers maintain a livable level of income.
Incorporating UI into the rapid re-employment system should be one of the next
steps
in creating a 21st century employment system. Under WIA, one-stops must provide
information on unemployment benefits. Ideally, one-stops will help displaced workers
get
their UI benefits. That is a good first step, but integrating those benefits seamlessly
together with the training activities so that two form a package of re-employment is
also
important. The UI system is generally the first part of the system an unemployed
worker
encounters. It should, therefore, be the gateway to all other employment and training
programs. Federal UI law should be amended to closely tie the UI system into the one-
stop centers, as the starting point for comprehensive services and assistance. In
addition,
UI records and statistics need to be incorporated into the WIA system to provide
seamless
customer service and a performance measurement system.
Beyond administratively tying UI into the WIA system, we should take a close
look
at how UI benefits are structured and used by unemployed workers. For example,
Robert
Litan of the Brookings Institution has argued that the UI system is too much of a safety
net and not enough of a trampoline; it helps individuals who lose their jobs but does
not
help workers get new jobs.9 He calls for a system
of
wage insurance to temporarily supplement the wages of unemployed workers who
take
lower paying jobs. Such a proposal, however, must be examined carefully to guard
against perverse outcomes, such as locking workers into dead-end jobs.
Other ideas include allowing UI benefits to be taken in a lump sum in order to
start a
new business and tying UI funds to enrollment in a training program. While not
necessarily endorsing any of these ideas, we believe that the time has come for a
fundamental reexamination and strengthening of the UI system.
The ad-hoc system of adjustment assistance programs is also due for an overhaul.
The Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) program and the parallel
NAFTA-Transitional
Adjustment Assistance program (NAFTA-TAA) head the list. Combined, TAA and
NAFTA-TAA is a $300+ million federal program to help workers who lose their jobs
due
to the effects of trade, either generally (TAA) or due to the North American Free Trade
Agreement (NAFTA-TAA). The program provides training funds, income support, job
search assistance, and relocation benefits. Other adjustment assistance programs
include
the Clean Air Employment Assistance Program, the Defense Economic Adjustment
Program and the Northwest Forest Plan.
One part of the adjustment system has already been changed. Under WIA, the
Labor
Department's Economic Dislocation and Worker Adjustment Assistance (EDWAA)
program for workers affected by mass layoffs has been replaced with Rapid Response
Assistance run by state-level Dislocated Worker Units. These state programs provide
early assistance to workers and communities affected by mass layoffs by coordinating
the
various federal and state programs available to those workers.
In addition, the one-stop centers created under WIA will become the place where
workers go to access these various programs. WIA does not, however, consolidate the
programs. The mosaic of different programs with different criteria and different
benefits
remains. The next step should be to consolidate the various adjustment assistance
programs into a broad-based adjustment system.
In an earlier report, PPI laid out criteria for adjustment assistance provided
through
climate change programs.10 Those criteria should
form the basis of a general, broad-based adjustment system:
Link adjustment assistance to ongoing efforts at skill upgrading and
economic development. Training and skill upgrading should not be done
only
after dislocation. It must be an ongoing activity--especially for at-risk workers and
at-risk
companies. By targeting the at-risk communities, dislocations may be prevented, or at
least the transition made easier. Likewise, adjustment assistance must be linked to
ongoing economic development efforts. Preventing dislocations by making companies
and workers more competitive is the best adjustment assistance program of all. Second
best is an ongoing economic development program to ensure the smooth transition of
workers from downsizing companies to growing companies. Rapid Response
Assistance,
which comes in to help a community pick up the pieces after a major layoff, is only a
last-best response.
Consolidating and directly tying UI and the various adjustment assistance
programs
into the WIA system--and coordinating those programs with ongoing economic
development activities--should be the next step in creating a 21st century labor market
policy. Our goal should be a seamless system to get unemployed Americans back into
the
workforce as more productive and more prosperous workers as quickly as possible.
While creating an employment trampoline for displaced workers is important,
focusing only on those who have lost their jobs is not enough. We must also work to
train
and upgrade the skills of incumbent workers by leveraging both public and private
resources.
Recognizing that most incumbent training takes place within companies paid for
by
companies is important. Yet, there is a compelling logic for public-sector intervention.
The interests of companies are not always wholly aligned with those of workers who
want to keep pace, much less get ahead, in the New Economy. Skills are no longer
taught
once and for all. Learning is a process of continuous improvement, of updating one's
abilities and knowledge as technology and situations change. We need continuous,
lifelong learning that addresses the range of worker needs: literacy; basic skills; job and
career specific skills; "firm-specific" skills (the skills and knowledge unique to a specific
employer); process skills, including team building, maintenance, and communications
skills; and access or learning skills.
Some companies understand this new dynamic. IBM, the prototypical private
sector
bureaucracy of previous years, now offers a career management process for its
employees. The process stresses career self-reliance to enhance future employability
rather than simply climbing the organizational ladder.11 Both IBM and its employees gain by this focus on
continuous
skill enhancement.
However, too few companies understand this need and too few invest too little of
their own resources in upgrading the skills of their workers. According to PPI's
New Economy Index, the trend is headed in the wrong direction, with
corporate expenditures on training declining slightly:
"The share of workers who received skills training while on the job increased from
35
percent in 1983 to 41 percent in 1991, but the length of training provided by employers
declined substantially. But since 1988, corporate training budgets as a share of GDP
have
declined slightly, to about 0.7 percent of GDP, or $58.6 billion."12
The existing public-sector training system is not geared toward the needs of
incumbent workers. For a long time, the federal government's training efforts have
been
focused on "re"-training, i.e., training people for new jobs after they have lost jobs.
New
legislation, including WIA, allows the federal government to take a more active role in
incumbent worker training.13 However, as this
authority expands, we must be very careful that federal programs facilitate, encourage
and learn from successful programs--not replace them with a new overlay of centrally
directed activities.14
No discussion of workforce skills would be complete without at least mentioning
the
importance of basic education. It is clear that any workforce development program
must
be tied into the educational system, which provides the foundation of learning, skills,
and
knowledge acquisition.15 This paper will not,
however, cover the multitude of issues in basic education. PPI's 21st Century School's
Project has developed a number of initiatives to strengthen America's education
system
to meet the needs of the workers in the New Economy.16
The states have taken the lead in developing new and innovative programs.
According to the National Governors' Association (NGA), at least forty-seven states
have
customized training programs to assist firms in upgrading the skills of their
workers.17 NGA's Center for Best Practices is
currently researching the best ideas in state-level training programs and helping
spread
those ideas to other states. Federal programs should complement and build upon these
efforts.
PPI believes there are three areas where the federal government can and should
play a
role in incumbent worker training: helping individuals finance learning activities
beyond
formal education; encouraging companies to expand their training activities; and
partnering with industry to create new programs to facilitate market-sensitive
incumbent
worker training.
Throughout our history, we have always understood the importance of the
government's role in financing education. Currently, a number of federally assisted
education programs are available for college students. In the New Economy, education
does not stop at the end of formal education. Learning must become a continuous
lifelong
activity. Thus, federal aid for education should be extended to those seeking
job-related
education outside of a formal undergraduate or graduate degree program through
proposed Lifelong Education Advancement Pursuit (LEAP) loans. LEAP loans would
be
available for qualified training expenses at a subsidized interest rate, with the
repayment
schedule possibly tied to the borrower's income level.18 The Student Loan Marking Association, better known as
SallieMae, is already test marketing a similar loan program through its new SLM
Financial Corporation.19 This effort should be
supported and expanded.
Ultimately, training current workers is a company responsibility as an investment
in
its own future productivity and growth. The government can, however, encourage
companies to invest more in training their employees. Under current tax law,
companies
can exclude from taxable income the cost of an employee s educational benefits (e.g.,
tuition reimbursement) up to $5,250 per year. However, this provision, known as
section
127, is temporary. While Congress has renewed the provision on a semi-regular basis,
the uncertainties and delays in renewal have limited its effectiveness. The provision
should be made permanent.
To ensure greater training of front-line workers, PPI has long advocated another
change in the tax laws regarding training expenses.20
Currently, much of the training provided by companies is concentrated on the upper
levels of the organization-- in keeping with the industrial-era organizational structure.
That training is considered a business expense and is therefore a tax deduction. The tax
code should be changed so that in order to qualify as a deduction, comparable
opportunities must be available to all workers, not just at the professional and
managerial
level. Such a non-discrimination requirement would have the dual effect of channeling
more training funds to incumbent workers to upgrade their skills and reinforcing the
push
toward greater worker involvement (as discussed later).
State and local government policy could also encourage increased training and
greater worker involvement. Tax credits, grants, and other subsidies to companies are
standard tools in local economic development. Yet, many of these benefits go to
companies that invest little in training. Such economic development tools should be
coordinated with existing state and local programs for incumbent worker training.
State
and local governments should be encouraged to change their policies to tie such
benefits
to company efforts to train and upgrade the skills of their workforce--and focus such
benefits on companies that utilize high performance work systems and worker
empowerment, as discussed later.
Re-employment and lifelong learning systems need to be closely linked to those
creating the jobs if they are to succeed. This helps guarantee that the provided skill
training matches the available jobs. Herzenberg et al. argue for multi-employer
institutions as one way of ensuring those links.21
Such institutions are not only useful in rapid re-employment; they can also facilitate
skill
upgrading and company structural change. In essence, multi-employer institutions can
reestablish career ladders across companies, thereby facilitating both job change and
career progression.
Trade unions are one example of a multi-employer institution that could play such
a
role--as is discussed later. Other forms of multi-employer institutions are business
partnerships, networks, business consortia, and alliances. Business-led community
partnerships can be successful in upgrading worker skills, helping get workers into
new
and better jobs, and modernizing company operations in order to take advantage of
those
upgraded worker skills. For example, the Wisconsin Regional Training Partnership, a
consortium of firms and unions in the Milwaukee area, provides worker training to
current workers as well as displaced workers, assistance with modernizing to its
member
firms, and training in both school-to-work and welfare-to-work programs.
Unfortunately, examples of such partnerships are too few and far between. The
federal government can be a catalyst in creating such partnerships. Two examples of
possible programs advocated by PPI are Regional Skills Alliances (RSAs)22 and Community Workforce Partnerships
(CWPs).23
RSAs bring together private sector and federal resources to address a problem
arising
from the new technology-driven economy: many companies cannot find the skilled
workers they need to remain competitive. This problem is especially severe in small-
and
medium-sized firms that often lack the capacity to engage in significant and sustained
workforce development efforts. The RSA solution motivates and assists companies in
the
same or similar industries to work collaboratively at the regional level to address the
skills problem. The federal government provides matching funds to encourage
companies and other players, such as unions, to participate in these training consortia.
CWPs are broadly designed to provide a comprehensive support network for
workers
in the new global economy--one that is closely tied in with the labor market needs and
trains and supports workers in their efforts to be more upwardly mobile. Helping
displaced workers, "at-risk" workers, and "at-risk" companies prosper in the new
economy through training, skill development, and company modernization is the goal.
This program provides limited grants to help consortia pool their resources and
expertise
together with state and local governments, educational institutions, and labor unions
to
provide training, retraining, and modernization for workers and member companies.
Having employment and income security is important, but having control over
one's
job and one's financial future--worker empowerment--is also key. Unfortunately, we
have a long way to go in this area. We need to do much more to promote true worker
empowerment, increase worker control over benefits, and help all Americans build
assets
and wealth.
Most Americans don't think that the New Economy is giving them more of a say
in
how their workplace functions.24 To help all
Americans reap the benefits of the New Economy, government policies must
encourage
change in the workplace and in the economy. People spend much of their lives on the
job,
often in situations where they are expected to simply do what they are told and not
think
for themselves. These certainly aren't elements of a functioning participatory
democracy.
Promoting worker empowerment does not only benefit workers, as shown in the
following discussion. High performance systems and alternative work arrangements
can
benefit both companies and workers, as can new roles for unions, worker control over
benefits, and increased worker ownership and assets.
Fortunately, the nature of work organizations is changing. Workers today are
expected to bring their minds as well as their muscles to work each day. At the core of
worker empowerment is a movement to push decision-making and action down to the
front-line workers. These high performance work systems use advanced production
and
information technologies to give front-line workers the responsibility for key decisions
throughout the design and production process. For example, at the Miller Brewing
Company's Trenton plant there are no managers around at night. Teams of workers
make
the decisions formerly made by foremen, and workers share ideas on how to fix
problems
and improve production.25
Operating in flattened organizational hierarchies, and often through self-directed
work teams, high performance work systems emphasize workforce participation in
improving and developing new product and process design. Tied with innovative
employee incentive strategies and extensive ongoing training for skill improvement,
this
new way of organizing work leads to significant gains in flexibility, productivity, and
cost reduction. Miller's Trenton plant, for example, has 50 percent higher productivity
over its next most-productive plant.26
Yet true worker empowerment is not easy. A multitude of barriers stand in the
way of
the widespread use of high performance work systems. Changing to a new way of
doing
things is difficult, risky, and potentially costly. Companies under intense pressures for
short-term profits may not be able to make the investments of time, resources, and
personnel needed to make the shift. In addition, much of the economic infrastructure--
ranging from education and training for managers, engineers, and front-line workers
to
financial incentives and rewards--continues to be geared toward the mass production
paradigm, not high-performance work systems.
Clearly, companies will have to lead the way in developing high-performance
work
systems. However, government can help ease the transition. The nation's governors
recognized this when the NGA adopted the recommendation that "states and the
federal
government should promote the development of high-performance work
organizations by
providing technical, financial, and training assistance to firms seeking to implement
quality management and modernization initiatives."27
The federal government can facilitate the shift to high performance work systems,
especially in smaller companies, through programs like the Manufacturing Extension
Partnership (MEP) of the Commerce Department's National Institute of Standards and
Technology. A comprehensive list of ways in which the federal government could
create
incentives (and remove disincentives) to help foster high performance work systems is
beyond the scope of this paper.28 However, it is
clear
that efforts to help companies understand and adopt new organizational methods and
upgrade their processes are key steps toward helping all Americans benefit from the
New
Economy.
Together with this move toward high performance work systems, alternative work
arrangements are becoming more common. Advances in computer and
communications
technologies have made telecommuting a more attractive option for some workers.
Flextime and job-sharing arrangements have gained acceptance as employers seek to
accommodate multiple demands on workers' time. Non-traditional work, such as part-
time, temporary, and contingency work, self-employment, and contracting , are all
strategies that some workers have used to gain more control over their jobs.
Yet public policy, especially labor policy, has not caught up with these
changes. As the Commission on the Future of Worker-Management Relations
(the Dunlop Commission) noted in 1994, "The growth of contingent work and
other forms of employment that break the mold of more permanent
employment with a single employer raise questions about the ability of our
traditional labor relations system to provide employee benefits, legal
protection, and representation for those who want it."29
To be sure, labor law remains mired in the past. Unions and employers
alike complain, albeit from different approaches, that laws written to protect
workers in the industrial age no longer make sense. Companies complain that
laws block their legitimate efforts to form worker-directed teams absent union
representation or to give workers new flexible work arrangements. Unions
complain that new methods of organizing workers run aground on the shoals of
antiquated laws as well. Current political circumstances and labor-
management antagonism have largely prevented any fruitful re-examination of
these laws to date. The continued failure to search for common ground can
only hurt workers and companies alike.
A comprehensive review of labor law should also explore the entire realm
of public policy concerning alternative work arrangements, including the
impact of transportation and technology policies on telecommuting and the
effect of regulations and tax policy on contract work and self-
employment.30
The changing nature of work is not only a formidable task for companies;
it also presents an enormous challenge (and opportunity) for labor unions.
Unions have played an important role in developing the U.S. economy--and
can continue to do so in the future. Unions will, and must, continue their vital
role in protecting workers' interests on the job.31
Unions rooted in New Economy occupations and industries, rather than in
individual firms, could promote training and peer learning. They could make
broadly defined occupations the new locus of job security. Unions that cut
across employers could help provide portable pensions and health
care.32
As such, unions are uniquely positioned to serve as multi-employer
institutions--helping to bridge the labor market gap between jobs in a new
version of the hiring hall or the guild. Union-sponsored or union-participating
apprenticeship and training programs can help workers gain needed skills.
Going one step further, unions could offer a version of wage insurance, as
discussed earlier.
Such a role would help strengthen the unions' institutional position vis-a-
vis employers through supplying an important resource: trained workers. As
Fred Siegel and Joel Kotkin argue:
"Labor is better served by exploiting this quality and skills shortages to
persuade employers to accept unionization. Some unions already provide a
working model: offering certification, continuing education, and 'hiring hall'
services to employers. Their role in this social bargain with employers gives
them new standing to fight for the rights and wages of their
workers."33
A number of unions are taking such an approach to the New Economy. For
example, the Communications Workers of America (CWA) has taken the lead
in promoting employment security rather than job security. As Morton Bahr,
president of CWA states: "We define employment security as providing
opportunities for our members to receive continuous training and education to
improve existing skills or to learn new skills to make themselves more
employable at their present employer or, if necessary, in the
marketplace."34
CWA sponsors a variety of services for its members: a multi-employer
defined benefit pension plan; employment referral centers; certification and
training update programs; and apprenticeship programs. Other unions have
similar programs, and further experimentation should be strongly encouraged
to help American workers win in the New Economy.
As changing jobs has become commonplace, workers have lost the sense of
security that comes with knowing that their retirement and health care benefits
will follow them throughout their working careers. When workers were more
likely to progress up the career ladder within one company, this concern didn't
exist. In the New Economy , retirement savings and health care insurance must
be as portable as workers have become.
Increasing the portability of pensions and retirement savings can be done
in several ways. For example, the National Commission on Retirement Policy
of the Center for Strategic and International Studies has recommended a
variety of changes to pension law to enhance portability, including expanding
"conduit IRAs" (IRAs that allow a worker to roll money back into a company
retirement plan at later date) and allowing workers to consolidate IRA funds
and current workplace retirement savings in one place. Bills are pending
before Congress on ways to strengthen the pension system and increase
pension portability. These bills should receive serious consideration during the
106th Congress.
Of course, an additional way to increase pension portability is to help
boost asset building and savings in general, including Universal Savings
Accounts as discussed later.
Health care insurance can be made more portable in two ways. First, we
need to extend the tax break for purchasing coverage beyond insurance
attached to a job. Under current law, workers get a tax break for health
insurance obtained either through an employer or as a self-employed
individual. In the former case, the break is an exemption from income tax on
the value of your employer's health insurance contribution; in the latter, it is a
limited credit provided for the purchase of insurance by the self-employed.
But if a worker wants to purchase insurance independent of his or her job, no
such break is available. Making tax credits available for workers who purchase
insurance independent of the job would remedy this flaw and build a stronger
market for non-job-based coverage.
Second, workers who must purchase new insurance because they switch
jobs or move out of their existing insurer's coverage area should be guaranteed
the opportunity to purchase coverage even if they have pre-existing medical
conditions. The 1996 Kassenbaum-Kennedy law applied this protection only to
people who are leaving or gaining group coverage or switching from one group
policy to another. It did not extend the protection to people who switch from
one individual policy to another individual policy.
If workers are to have greater control over their own work and financial
future, we must also ensure that they share in the rewards of this new era. If
average Americans believe that the system is tilted against them, they will
rightfully fear the New Economy. We must give greater attention to helping
people who live paycheck to paycheck to earn, save, and invest. Simply too
many Americans don't save. In 1998, approximately 60 percent of households
spent all (or more) of their income. At the lower incomes, the story is even
worse--less than 15 percent of households with income below $25,000 a year
said they had any money left after paying the bills.35
Yet savings and asset building is one of the best ways to increase
economic security. Many Americans are benefiting from the New Economy
and building assets. In 1999, an estimated 78.7 million Americans owned
stocks directly or through mutual funds.36
We must find ways to help all workers increase their assets and build savings.
One place to begin is with pay schemes that include equity participation
and gain sharing. Such mechanisms not only increase the financial security of
workers, they can also increase the stake workers feel they have in the New
Economy itself. Further, financial participation by workers is a key element of
the new forms of work organization. The bargain between employers and
employees is no longer simply "an honest days work for an honest day's pay."
The new contact is one of shared effort and shared gain.
But all must truly benefit. For example, a recent study shows that profit-
sharing plans increase productivity only if they are extended to non-
managerial employees.37 High
performance work systems only work if everyone gains.
PPI has long advocated the use of performance-based compensation,
equity-sharing, and other reward systems.38
To provide average Americans with more opportunities and incentives to
increase productivity and innovation on the job, firms should establish reward
systems that are internally equitable, competitive, and linked to the long-term
performance of the firm. We should extend the non-discrimination rule that is
currently used for health care coverage and pension contributions to this area
so that when a firm provides tax-favored, performance-based bonuses to
executives, all employees would be eligible for that type of compensation.
One other example of workers' financial participation is through employee
stock ownership plans (ESOPs).39 Under
an ESOP, workers own stock in their employer and thereby automatically have
a financial stake in the health of the company. Margaret Blair of the Brookings
Institution proposes a variation on the stock option idea that would replace a
significant portion of all employees' wages with restricted stocks, i.e., stock in
the company that could not be sold until after some minimum period of time
such as five years.40 She argues that such
stock grants would expose workers to the downsize risks of their company as
well as to the upside benefits. However, stock options, stock ownership, and
ESOPs should not be confused with worker control. Use of these innovative
ways of increasing the workers' financial stake in their companies must be
accompanied by true worker empowerment to allow workers to exercise
control over their jobs at the shop floor through high performance work
systems, as discussed earlier.
We should also explore new ways to help increase Americans' long-term
savings not tied directly to their company. For example, 401(k) programs,
IRAs, and Roth IRAs already have helped boost the savings of millions of
Americans. In 1997, 66 percent of American workers participated in retirement
programs that offer tax-deferred accounts.41 President Clinton has proposed creating Universal
Savings Accounts. Individuals contributing to these USAs would be eligible
for a refundable tax credit, and in some cases the federal government would
match a person's savings contribution up to $300 per year.
The proposed USA is a variation of an existing savings innovation known
as the Individual Development Account (IDA). Similar to IRAs, IDAs are tax-
advantaged accounts for low-income individuals and families that are matched
from private and public sources. IDAs can only be used for education or job
training expenses, starting a small business, or buying a first home.
Approximately 250 IDA programs already exist or are in
development.42 Robert Friedman of the
Center for Enterprise Development has proposed tax credits for individuals,
corporations, or financial institutions that match individual savings of low-
income working families in IDAs, "We have learned how important even a
modest sum of assets can be to people, including low-income and poor people.
Poor people do save."43
An economic literacy training program to help participants better manage
their finances is a key to the success of the IDAs. Many Americans would
benefit from such training. According to a recent survey, "56% of participates
in 401(k)-type retirement programs are either unaware of, or ignoring, one of
the most basic tenets of long-term investing: asset allocation."44 Economic literacy training should be expanded and
included in all rapid re-employment and lifelong learning programs.
Expanding participation in the rewards of the New Economy is crucial for
the economy itself. Boosting personal assets is not only a matter of economic
security; it also provides the seed corn for entrepreneurial activity. However,
our ultimate goal is not just sharing the material wealth. Our goal is creating a
broad system of ownership and shared responsibility. As Jeffrey Gates states,
"People are likely to become better stewards of all those systems of which they
are a part--social, political, fiscal, cultural and natural--as they gain a personal
stake in the economic system, with all the rights and responsibilities that
implies."45
Genuine movement toward a more democratic capitalism--with more
broadly distributed wealth and a sense of true participation and ownership--
would help dispel much of the lingering economic anxiety and strengthen all
the components of the American commonwealth.
The economic environment in which we live and work is radically
different than even a generation ago. In some ways, the changes have occurred
gradually, such as the dramatic rise in global economic interdependence. But
others, such as the Internet explosion, have come so fast that they have
overwhelmed some even as they have exhilarated others.
To survive and prosper in this New Economy requires a new approach
toward work, workforce development, and worker skills. It also requires that
we rethink and redesign both public and private sector efforts. It is time to
broaden the debate--from retraining programs and gauging the impact of trade
and technology on employment to expanding the winners' circle so that all
Americans prosper in the new global information economy.
Editor's Note: The endnotes for this paper are available in PDF format only.
Blueprint Keywords: Extra Interdependence